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1921 
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RECEPTION AND DINNER 

IN HONOR OF 
THE FJFTY-SJXTH BIRTHDAY OF 

AUGUSTUS PEABODY GARDNER 

A PIONEER FOR PREPAREDNESS 



By The Roosevelt Club 
HOTEL WESTMINSTER BOSTON NOVEMBER 5-1921 



Published by 
THE ROOSEVELT CLUB 

(Incorporated) 

Boston 
FOR ITS MEMBERS Tricolor Series No. 5 



EI (o(off- 



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" In his delirium, his mind was still working and concentrated on his favorite 
theme of preparedness, infallible evidence of the sincerity of his belief." 

Keenan. 



A 



AUGUSTUS PEABODY GARDNER 

Born — Boston — November 5 — 1 865 

Harvard College A. B. 1886 

Captain — Assistant Adjutant General — War of 1898 

Service in Porto Rico 

Massachusetts Senate — 1900- 1901 

Congress — 1 902 - 1 91 7 — Resigned 

For Service in The World War 

Major* — U. S. National Guard 

Died — January 14—1918 

Camp Wheeler — Georgia 

With Theodore Roosevelt and Leonard Wood 

A PIONEER FOR PREPAREDNESS 

» Having been demoted, at his own request, from Colonel, to facilitate service over-seas 



The Roosevelt Club 

(INCORPORATED) 

Boston 
A RESOLUTION 

on the death of 

AUGUSTUS PEABODY GARDNER 

" Unique and stimulating, his charm and vigor set off in out- 
line sharp, against men anaemic and palsied, in their hopes, in 
their fawning for favor, and in their fear of frowns, he gloried in a 
life outside the ruts ; hand-made and not machine-made, too few 
of his kind ; always going somewhere, and human enough to 
chance mistakes, and big enough to overshadow them ; true to his 
own nature, in times when politicians play a part, he was as much 
himself in public as in private life ; a hard worker, a hard fighter, 
alive and courageous, brilliant and picturesque, the most interest- 
ing figure in many pages of the political history of the Common- 
wealth ; he left us with a sense of loss as of our own, and the world 
better for his having been of it." 



S ^24)w23 



" Those who make history and give life its charm are those 
who are not controlled by the fear of mistakes, and who dare walk 
outside the ruts." 

The Mirrors of Hamilton. 

"Wake Up — America — Wake Up" 

A. P. G. 

" Spend and be spent." 

T. R. 

" He died for the cause as much as a man against a bunch of 
machine-gun nests." 

General Edwards. 

A Pioneer for Preparedness. 



SPEAKERS 



Hon. R. M. WASHBURN, 

Of Boston. Lawyer. 
President of The Roosevelt Club. 

Chairman. 
Gardner-Roosevelt Big Four 191 6. 

ODIN ROBERTS, Esq., 

Of Boston. Patent lawyer. 
Of Gardner-Harvard Class of '86. 

Hon. WILLFRED WEYMOUTH LUFKIN, 

Of Essex. Journalist. 

Former Congressman. 

Collector of the Port. 

Fifteen years-Congressional Secretary to A. P. G. 

Col. GEORGE FRANCIS KEENAN, 

Of Boston. Surgeon. 
Military Associate of A. P. G. 

Hon. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH, 

Of Cincinnati, Ohio. Lawyer. 

Congressman. 

Son-in-law of T. R. 

Congressional Colleague and Intimate of A. P. G. 

Mrs. CONSTANCE GARDNER MINOT, 

Of Beverly and Washington. 
Daughter of A. P. G. 



AT THE TABLE OF HONOR 

ADAM D. CLAFL1N. WILLIAM H. McSWEENEY. 

GEORGE P. DRURY. Mrs. CONSTANCE G. MINOT. 

WILLIAM AMORY GARDNER. ODIN ROBERTS. 

Col. GEORGE F. KEENAN. Hon. JOSEPH WALKER. 

Hon. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH. Hon. JOSEPH E. WARNER. 

Hon. W. W. LUFKIN. Hon. R. M. WASHBURN. 



THE ROOSEVELT CLUB 

(Incorporated) 

Boston. 

In Honor of 
AUGUSTUS PEABODY GARDNER 

The Reception being concluded, at Seven p. m., Sharp, the Diners 
being seated, with stirring music, the President of The Roosevelt 
Club entered the Banquet Hall, escorting Mrs. Constance Gardner 
Minot, daughter of Augustus Peabody Gardner, and ten other dis- 
tinguished citizens. 

The Chairman. 

One word before you eat. May I suggest to each one of you, 
to open a conversation, both sides of you, whether you are known 
to each other or not, and indifferent how repellant they appear. If 
it goes hard, tell them something about your children, if you have 
any, and what they have been saying, which seems bright to you, and 
will interest you, if not them. Forget that you are Bostonese. Warm 
up the Dinner. 

[Dinner.] 

[When the Toastmaster called the Dinner to order, Atherton N. 
Hunt, Esq., of Braintree, immediately arose. "Mr. Chairman, 
I desire to propose a Resolution, involving you, Sir." The Chair- 
man, thereupon, asked the Vice-President of the Club, the Hon. 
Joseph Walker, to preside. Mr. Hunt, in a short speech, then moved 
the unanimous standing adoption of the following Resolution, which 
motion was seconded in a speech by Hon. Silas D. Reed, of Taunton. 

"Resolved: — That we, members and guests of The 
Roosevelt Club, at this dinner in honor of the fifty- 
sixth birthday of Augustus Peabody Gardner, take 
pleasure in recognizing our obligation to the Honorable 
Robert M. Washburn, the organizer of the Club and 
now its President. His strong capacity, high purpose, 
enthusiastic devotion to the Club, and untiring industry 

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in its interest, are the chief causes of its success. 
Nothing good can be accomplished without labor. The 
result produced is the measure of his toil. May he 
have many happy, prosperous, vigorous years." 

Mr. Walker, thereupon, submitted the Resolution to a vote, and, 
all standing, it was declared by him, as unanimously adopted.] 

The Chairman. 

Had I reason to suspect the nature of this Resolution, I should 
have directed that these two gentlemen be immediately removed 
from the room. Seriously, your praise is very sweet to me. I 
deeply appreciate it, and I warmly thank you. 

The Roosevelt Club, of which I am, I hope, but the humble instru- 
ment, welcomes you all, here, tonight. Further, it wishes it dis- 
tinctly understood, however, now, that we have come together, not 
to mourn but to rejoice in the study and the stimulus of the life of 
Augustus Peabody Gardner. 

Pursuant to a practice established in Boston by The Roosevelt 
Club, it is now proud to tell you, what you are entitled to know, at 
the very outset, whom it has found to sit in these seats of distinc- 
tion, at the table of honor, and who, with reason, now look down 
upon you with great satisfaction, and some commiseration. 

Beginning on my extreme right, sits Col. George F. Keenan, a 
speaker of the evening, exhaustively described on the Menu, and of 
whom, more, later. 

Then comes Hon. W. W. Lufkin, also to speak, tonight. 

Then comes Adams Davenport Claflin, of Newton Centre. Mr. 
Claflin is largely interested in transportation, and the only cloud 
upon the evening, to him, is that so many of you have come here in 
motors, or even walked, and not in trollies. He shares, with Mrs. 
Minot, notable family affiliations. He is a brother-in-law of a 
former Speaker ; a son-in-law of a former Congressman ; and a son 
of a former Governor. He has always lived in a political atmos- 
phere. He was a class-mate of A. P. Gardner. 

Then comes Odin Roberts, Esq., also a speaker of the evening. 

Then comes the Hon. Joseph Walker, of Brookline, a lawyer, and 
a former Speaker. He is one of those many, too few men whose 
allegiance to T. R. goes back of his death, when he could use votes. 

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He is Vice-President of The Roosevelt Club, the brightest jewel in 
his crown. 

Then comes Mrs. Constance Gardner Minot, also a speaker of the 
evening, our most welcome guest. 

Beginning on my immediate left, sits the Hon. Nicholas Long- 
worth, also a speaker of the evening. 

Then comes William Amory Gardner, Esq., a brother of A. P. 
Gardner. He early sought sanctuary, according to "The Mirrors 
of Hamilton," in the chaste seclusion of Groton school, of which 
he was a Founder and is a Master of Greek. This compelled his 
brother to plunge into the mire of politics, in order that the average 
plane of the family might be kept within the reach of the plain people. 

Then comes William H. McSweeney, Esq., a lawyer of Salem. 
Of him, Mrs. Gardner says : — "Major Gardner has no more eloquent 
friend." 

Then comes the Hon. Joseph E. Warner, a lawyer of Taunton, 
and also a former Speaker. No man has exceeded his high purpose, 
in the legislature. This may not be strong praise, so that it might 
be added : — or outside the legislature. He is Lieutenant-Governor 
of the Commonwealth, not de facto, but de jure. He is a member 
of the Executive Committee of the Club. 

Then comes, finally, George P. Drury, Esq., of Waltham, a lawyer 
in Boston. He is the father of the Club. I am its mother. The 
idea was his; the execution, largely mine, if I may so add, with 
modesty. He is, also, a member of the Executive Committee of the 
Club. 

No Dinner of The Roosevelt Club would be complete without the 
presence of the Elephant, which stands before us, symbolic of the 
G. O. P. It is a rampant elephant, a trumpeter and a fighter, and 
so peculiarly appropriate at a Dinner in honor of Augustus Peabody 
Gardner. This Club was first thought of, in December, 1918, as The 
Gardner Club. Then, in January, 1919, Roosevelt died. 

There are but two clouds upon the evening, the unavoidable 
absence of Mrs. Constance Gardner, and of Charles Sumner Bird. 
The former stood close, as a stimulus, to A. P. Gardner. Charles 
Sumner Bird has always stood close to The Roosevelt Club, and is 
the leader of the followers of T. R. in Massachusetts. 



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[A letter from Mrs. Gardner was then read, which is appended.] 

The hardest effort always for me, and which I shall try to make 
towards the success of the evening, is silence, as far as possible for 
me. What I could and should have said to you, tonight, of Augustus 
Peabody Gardner, has already gone out to our members in my own, 
"The Mirrors of Hamilton," of which I shall, at times, submit ex- 
cerpts to you, and which I look upon as the Bible of the evening. 
This course of attempted silence, on my part, is made less hard for 
me because we have others here who are better qualified to talk to 
you than I am, whom I shall introduce to you, in the chronological 
order of the activities of A. P. Gardner, and which they represent; 
his college class, his family, politics, Congress, and the Army. May 
I, however, emphasize, as the preeminent theme of the evening, in 
my own opinion, that the greatest work of Augustus Peabody Gard- 
ner, for which he will live longest, was as A Pioneer for Prepared- 
ness. 

Further, he siamesed himself onto the respect and, more, the ad- 
miration of those who followed his course, by the great quality of 
individuality. When too many others hope, too much, only to sub- 
merge themselves in safe majorities, he stood out, preeminently 
and deliciously, himself. He lived out the text of The Mirrors of 
Hamilton : — 

"Those who make history and give life its charm are 
those who are not controlled by the fear of mistakes, and 
who dare walk outside the ruts." 

To play my part, tonight, with at least a touch of intelligence, I 
asked Adams Claflin, a close friend of his, to tell me more than I 
knew of the first speaker of the evening. Versatility is his essence, 
said he. He is a lawyer, a mechanic, and yet he can write a poem 
and sail a boat. To talk for the Gardner-Harvard Class of '86, I 
introduce Odin Roberts, Esq. 



(4) 



ODIN ROBERTS, Esq. 

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen : I have not failed to observe 
the evidence of chronological arrangement of this evening's pro- 
gram. It is perfectly obvious from that, had I not suspected it 
before, that my agreeable duty here this evening is to set before you 
as faithfully as I can, some picture of Augustus Gardner as he was 
when an undergraduate. At the very outset I wish to confess to you 
the great difficulty of that task, agreeable though it may be to attempt 
it. There is a popular saying, you know, that each one of us changes 
entirely his corporeal structure at least once in seven years. That 
may not be quantitatively accurate, but I think it is substantially 
true, and it must be remembered that it is now 35 years since the 
Class of '86 graduated from Harvard College. 

In order to present to you a picture of Augustus Gardner, the 
undergraduate, it would be necessary to perform a miracle not only 
of memory, but of estimate and appreciation; to recreate an in- 
dividuality and a consciousness which in the growth of its own 
organism ceased to be a long time ago. If asked to do the same for 
myself, I should find it utterly impossible because, just like every 
other member of the Class of '86, I am a very different person from 
what I was 35 years ago, and were Augustus Gardner living today, 
he, too, would be a very different person from the young man who 
graduated in 1886. Different? Yes, — different as the full-grown 
tree is from the seedling. The seedling held within it a model of 
what the tree was to be. That we know because it is true of every 
man in his growth from youth through manhood. 

What can be the sources of information today of Augustus Gard- 
ner, the undergraduate? And believe me, ladies and gentlemen, I 
have given that problem not a little thought since your Chairman 
complimented me with an invitation to speak. I want to give you 
first a picture as briefly as I can of the environment which Harvard 
College in the middle eighties drew around its students. It was, 
I know, very different from the environment of the student today. 
We lived in almost untrammeled individual freedom. We were 
very little guided. That may have been unfortunate for those whose 
immaturity made them need guidance, but it was very fortunate I 
think for those of us who were mature enough and affirmative enough 

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in personality to guide themselves. They gained and gained wonder- 
fully by the exercise of their own faculties in an atmosphere of 
freedom. So long as the not too exacting requirements in respect 
to attendance on lectures and morning prayers were observed by the 
student, he was left to his own resources. He was left to work out 
whatever law there was in his own being. And all the college classes 
were of the same kind. Indeed, certainly after the freshmen years, 
so liberal, so unrestrained, was the elective system that there was not 
any clear line of demarcation between sophomore and junior and 
senior, and there was not therefore any solidarity or any cause of 
solidarity which made the college class a real group, with group con- 
sciousness. The college class in those days was not really a group. 
Our class like the others never came into contact as a group with 
college authorities or with other social forces. Such an aggregate 
as that was by no means suited to receive any distinct impress from 
a pronounced individual character like that of Augustus Gardner. 

How was he estimated? What was his mode of thought? What 
were his aspirations during that term? To say that I know would 
be to go too far from the truth. I can only guess. I believe he had 
then an impulse and aspiration toward political work, toward 
political organization. He made himself a trifle unpopular in his 
early college career because he and a small group who sympathized 
with him, perhaps too obviously tried to organize class politics. We 
were much too individualistic for that, and I think, or rather, guess- 
ing at this long range of 35 to 40 years, I guess his classmates mis- 
understood him. Many of them estimated Augustus as a self- 
conceited person. That was perhaps a natural judgment for the 
undergraduate, whose judgments are always very hasty and very 
cocksure. We have lost a great deal of that unerring wisdom which 
we had when under-graduates. But the quality in Augustus 
Gardner which made his classmates or some of them say he was a 
self-conceited man was not self-conce'it at all as we know now. It 
was sureness of himself, it was self-confidence ; it was that affirma- 
tive quality of knowing his own mind and not being afraid to speak 
it in unequivocal terms, which was likely translated by his fellow- 
undergraduates into other and less admirable characteristics. He 
was not a popular man in college. I don't mean that he was un- 
popular; not at all. But I think rather of the great popularity of 
some of our classmates to whom the choicest honors in the gift of 
the class were tendered, and who, since graduation, have failed to 

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fulfill, conspicuously failed to fulfill, the promise which their popu- 
larity at that time may seem to have held. 

Gardner was fastidious. He was a young man of good taste in 
social matters. That made some think that he was a person aloof. 
I don't think so at all. The diversity of the interests which he had 
in college proves the contrary. He was a member of a great many 
different societies and organizations, some of them literary and seri- 
ous. He was the editor of one of the college papers for a while. 
He was not conspicuously an athlete, but was interested in athletics, 
and he went out with this team and that one. He played on the 
class ball team. There was everything there, a receptive mind, a 
humanly sympathetic nature, an aptitude for diverse intellectual 
occupations, and a healthy body. 

One thing I can state from recollection with confidence and accu- 
racy. No matter what their individual preferences or the reverse 
might have been, in respect to Augustus Gardner, his classmates all 
knew that he was a real person, and they knew it from the begin- 
ning of the freshman year until they graduated, and they all 
respected him. 

In his letter to your President, Mr. Washburn, Tom Baldwin, our 
class secretary has alluded to the fact that year after year Gardner 
was elected to the position of class secretary. While the position of 
undergraduate class secretary was not one of great responsibility, 
the circumstance that the class invariably reposed that trust in Gard- 
ner from year to year, as we were all developing together, is an in- 
dex of the respect which all of the class, which all of the classmates 
felt for him. 

I must not go into those epochs and episodes of Gardner's later 
career with which I am more familiar, as are all of us, than with 
that time of undergraduate life, because if I tried to I should be 
encroaching on territory reserved for speakers who come after me 
and who can occupy that territory very much more effectively than 
I can. But I must say something about Augustus Gardner's entry 
into politics as a vocation, and the way he entered into it. 

I had some talk with Gardner long ago now, when he had certainly 
determined to be a politician ; and the thoroughness of the man was 
shown in what he was doing then and what he proposed to do. We 
had not then begun to use the word "preparedness," but he was pre- 
paring himself. He practised then what he preached later. Politics 
was not to be for him an avocation. He went into it deliberately, to 

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go through all the stages of apprenticeship, the town meeting, the 
caucus, the State Legislature, and so on. He was going to do it, 
as he did, thoroughly as a business, as a profession or rather, to use 
a higher word which is true of it, as a calling. And in selecting that 
career, Gardner again emphasized his individuality. It was an ex- 
ceptional thing for a college man to do, unfortunately, but the law 
of his being apparently was to do and say the thing that he felt 
impelled to do, that he felt was right for him. The law of his being 
always contained the imperative clause, and that imperative charac- 
terized him to the very end. 

At the quinquennial anniversaries of the class of 
1886, it has always been the custom for the Secretary 
to read in the presence of the standing class the names 
of our classmates who have died. In our earlier re- 
unions, I remember with what apparent dismay we 
heard the names of our classmates who were dead. 
We felt a protest against the invasion by so unthink- 
able a thing as death, into the youthful territory we 
then occupied, but as time has gone on and each man 
is so much nearer the day when his name, too, shall 
be added to that list, we have heard it with increasing 
tranquility. And we have heard sundry names read, 
and hearing them has given us solemn pride in the 
achievements, the sound, genuine and permanent suc- 
cess of the men who have ceased to be, a pride that we, 
his classmates who were associated with them, identi- 
fied with them if only by the fact of having graduated 
in the same year, feel deeply. When that list is full and 
there is no voice left either to read it or to hear it, no 
one name on it will wear greener laurels and stand in 
higher respect and honor than the name of Augustus 
Gardner. [Applause.] 



(8) 



The Chairman. 

The Mirrors of Hamilton has this portrait of Mr. Lufkin, of the 
house of Gardner: — 

"The third partner of the house was the Honorable 
T. Lufkin, christened, Willfred. Rubicund and roly- » 
poly he was, even in his infancy, and even the plumpest 
of the robin redbreasts, upon the grass, looked upon 
him as a kinsman. Later, identified with a news sheet 
which succeeded in appearing, daily, he naturally knew 
everyone, but, unnaturally, was liked by everyone. He 
was an admirable and essential link between his Chief 
and just folks. He might now easily draw a comfort- 
able salary in a museum of curios as one who has gone 
out of Congress, voluntarily. With much reason he 
venerates the memory of A. P. Gardner, who gave him 
the opportunities which he was bright enough to see, 
and strong enough to seize. He has always had ambi- 
tion. This never hurts. His goal has always been the 
stars. He is now logically happy in an eyrie in the top 
of the Customs House Tower, heights far above those 
even of Essex, an office higher than that of Governor. 
It has been asked, in the scriptures, can a man be born, 
again. This question, to the Honorable T. Lufkin, has 
no interest unless it is to be born, again, in Hamilton, 
in which event this census would have been raised to 
two. It is enough to say of him that he is a success, 
and high in our hearts so long as he is Collector of 
other treasures than our own, not forgetful of his own 
salary." 

It ought to give Mr. Lufkin great satisfaction, that his appoint- 
ment as Collector of the Port gave the same great satisfaction, to 
all. 

A. P. Gardner was a politician, which is much to say for him, 
although this is a much misused term. Mr. Lufkin will talk to you 
about him, as a politician, and no one knew him better as a politician 
than his Congressional Secretary, for fifteen years, the Hon. W. W. 
Lufkin. 

(9) 



HON. W. W. LUFKIN 

Mr. President and members of The Roosevelt Club, ladies and 
gentlemen. 

Every time I hear a quotation read from "The Mirrors of Hamil- 
ton," and especially a quotation concerning myself, I appreciate that 
great document, more and more. 

I want at the outset to extend my appreciation to Mr. Washburn, 
the worthy President of this organization, for promoting me in his 
program here to the ranks of the journalist. I wish very much that 
the good old gentleman who used to edit my copy, when I was a 
plain cub reporter, struggling occasionally perhaps to rise to the 
rank of correspondent — I wish that gentleman might be here tonight 
to see the great honor that has been bestowed upon me, elevating 
me to the rank held only in Boston by the Hon. James T. Williams, 
Jr., and the Hon. Robert Lincoln O'Brien. 

I am very glad of the opportunity of coming here tonight for 
several reasons; first, to join with the members of this organization 
in extending a welcome to my good old friend, the Honorable Nicho- 
las Longworth, of Ohio. Mr. President, had you searched the 
United States from one end to the other, you could not have found 
a more fitting guest of honor for a dinner of The Roosevelt Club, 
in memory of the late Augustus P. Gardner, because, my friends, 
Longworth and Gardner had many things in common. They were 
friends almost from boyhood. They enjoyed another distinction in 
that they both had distinguished fathers-in-law. They were born 
on the same day. They were elected to Congress the first time on 
the same day; and for fifteen years, with a two-year intermission, 
when Longworth was out, they labored together as co-workers at 
Washington, always standing for the same high ideals in public 
service. 

And I want personally to say a word about Mr. Longworth. I 
first met him at the late Major Gardner's house, way back in 1902, 
and he has been my good friend ever since. I have watched him 
rise from a new and inconspicuous member of the House, until 
today he is one of the real leaders in that great body. When Nick 
Longworth rises in the House of Representatives, he is sure of an 
attentive audience, because his colleagues there have learned from 
long experience that when he opens his mouth, he not only knows 

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what he is talking about, but is sure to add something to the sum 
total of human intelligence of the legislators who make up the 
American Congress. 

We are going to have a new leadership, next year. Somebody 
may say : — "Thank God." Somebody else may say : — "We hope so." 
But I want to say this : — that the House of Representatives, of the 
Sixty-Eighth Congress, when it assembles, could do no better in my 
opinion than to elect as the Republican floor leader of that body, 
our guest here tonight, the Hon. Nicholas Longworth of Ohio. 
[Applause.] 

But, my friends, we are here for another purpose. We are here 
on the anniversary of his birth to pay tribute to a great American 
citizen, one of the greatest American citizens that it has ever been 
my privilege to meet, and to my mind one of the greatest of this gen- 
eration. In the twenty minutes allotted me here, it would be almost 
impossible to even attempt to pay a fitting eulogy to that great man. 
It would be almost impossible to attempt even to give in any detail 
my observations on some of the reasons why he was great, some of 
the reasons why he has so much endeared himself in the hearts of 
the American people. And so I am simply going to touch on what 
seem to me to be three outstanding characteristics of his brilliant 
mind and unusual character. 

First, his wonderful capacity for organization; second, his unsel- 
fish devotion towards the public welfare rather than towards his 
own advancement ; and, third, his almost uncanny power to look 
ahead and see what was best for the people, while the rest of us were 
groping along in the old avenues ; as the President has expressed it, 
groping along in the darkness. And I think perhaps the occasion 
of my first meeting with Mr. Gardner illustrates better than any- 
thing else that wonderful power of his for organization, that won- 
derful ability to master the details of every movement he undertook, 
to assemble around him the many atoms which go to make up an 
irresistible body. 

When I was twenty-one years old, a good while ago, I was elected 
a member of the School Board in the Town of Essex; just why, 
I never knew, except that perhaps the people had tired of the old 
crowd, and thought I could probably do as little harm to the schools 
as the Board then in power. But at all events, I was elected. It 
was not a great office, although in those days when gray hair was 
considered the first qualification for service in that august body, 

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it looked pretty large to me. I think the salary was $60 a year. 
I was at that time also the local correspondent for the Boston Herald, 
and, by a strange coincidence, the Sunday following the town meet- 
ing, there was a very complimentary article in the Herald, including a 
very handsome picture of your humble servant, and about a third 
of a column about the youngest school committeeman in Massachu- 
setts. I am not sure whether that was correct or not; but I knew, 
being only twenty-one years of age, that at least I was tied for the 
honor, and I thought that from a publicity point of view the local 
correspondent was entitled to that much license in giving me the 
benefit of the doubt. 

Major Gardner in those days used to read the newspapers religi- 
ously, as he always did, and apparently he read in the Sunday 
Herald, that day, of a new star which had risen in the Sixth Con- 
gressional District, because in a week or ten days — he was then our 
State Senator — he called at my office in Gloucester, and said he had 
dropped in to congratulate the youngest School Committeeman and 
wanted to know me. He gave me, I remember very distinctly, a 25- 
cent cigar — and 25-cent cigars to a cub reporter were not of every- 
day occurrence. A year later I found myself associated with Major 
Gardner in his first campaign for Congress, and one of the first 
tasks he assigned to me was to put in order an enormous card cata- 
logue, containing the names of everyone worth while in that district. 
Not only the man's name, but his wife's, his children's names, 
political and religious affiliations, his recreations, his telephone num- 
ber, and the very best way to get in touch with him, appeared on 
each card. And as I was laboring with all those hundreds and hun- 
dreds of cards, to my great surprise, I came across one which inter- 
ested me. It was headed : — "Lufkin, W. W., Essex, Newspaper man, 
Reporter, elected to School Board at 21. Must be some fellow. 
Cultivate him." [Laughter.] 

Major Gardner had cultivated, had converted me, as he had culti- 
vated everybody in that district, and converted most of them, and 
when a young man's name appeared in the newspaper, whether as 
having been elected to the School Board, or having made a touch- 
down on his foot-ball team, or having come into Gloucester on his 
first trip as a skipper, that man's name went into that great catalogue, 
that man was cultivated, and in four cases out of five, inside of three 
months that man became a member of the today much-discussed, 
"Gardner Machine" (laughter). And it was the same in every other 

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organization movement which he undertook. Whether in the State, 
at large, in Congress, in his great "preparedness" campaign, or in 
that great work in London at the outbreak of the War in organizing 
to care for the thousands of American citizens who found them- 
selves stranded on European soil, he always went down to the very- 
roots and into every detail of every movement. 

Augustus P. Gardner was criticised during his lifetime for being 
impetuous ; for riding rough-shod over other people without regard 
to their rights. My friends, no greater libel than that was ever made 
against any public man. I was associated with him for 15 years, 
practically a member of his household, and, during that period, I 
think I can safely say, that I was in his company, at one time or 
another, during some part of each of the 24 hours which go to make 
up our day. And during all those years, during all that time, I never 
in my life remember hearing Augustus P. Gardner make an unjust 
criticism, or utter an unkind word against any political associate 
or antagonist, to any member of his office force, to any member of 
his family, or even to the servants in that household. And I say 
to you, again, that to my mind no greater tribute can be paid to any 
man ; and particularly, to a man of the nervous energy of Augustus 
P. Gardner, whose every fibre was alive every minute, anxious to be 
accomplishing something new, anxious to be advancing the policies 
for which he stood. 

Augustus P. Gardner was likewise criticised during his lifetime 
for being a politician, and for thinking only of his own welfare. On 
the first charge, I agree with the President of this club, and I thank 
God that he was a politician. If he had not been a politician, he 
would not have been Augustus P. Gardner, he would not have 
succeeded, and would not have accomplished the things which he did. 
Read the history of this country, from the beginning, and every time 
that you will show me a really great man in our Government, I will 
show you a great politician. Because, after all, the man in public 
service who succeeds is the man who knows his people, and no man 
can know his people here in America without being a successful 
politician in every sense. 

As to the accusation of selfishness and desire to gain his own 
ends, I want to cite another illustration. In 1914, Major Gardner, 
broken in health by his continuous service in Washington and here 
in Massachusetts, on the orders of his physicians, went to Europe 
for a complete rest. He had been there but a few weeks when the 

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war broke out. Major Gardner, true to form as usual, forgot that 
he was over there for a rest, forgot his physician's orders, forgot 
entirely his own comfort and welfare, and immediately volunteered 
his services at the American Embassy in London. His offer was 
accepted and he organized and directed, in those opening weeks of 
the war, the work of looking after the thousands of Americans 
stranded in London, provided them with temporary abodes, provided 
them with American money, and eventually provided them with trans- 
portation back home. While he was engaged in that work, which 
he has often told me he considered one of his greatest accomplish- 
ments, opposition to his nomination came up back here in Massa- 
chusetts. A young and energetic man went from one end of the dis- 
trict to the other, making a real modern up-to-date campaign, criti- 
cising Major Gardner for being absent while Congress was in ses- 
sion, for leaving the district unrepresented, and moreover criticising 
him because, in the opinion of this candidate, his votes had not been 
right, in the House of Representatives. The campaign became 
troublesome, — so much so that many of his friends said that Gardner 
must come back and "look after his fences" or he will be beaten. 
I wrote him and cabled him to that effect, and he immediately re- 
plied and said : — "My first duty is here in London, to look after 
my countrymen. Until that work is completed the campaign must 
go on without me, regardless of the consequences." That work was 
not completed until one week before the primaries, and he arrived 
in New York on the Friday preceding the Tuesday on which the 
primary was to be held. His friends were so alarmed that they had 
arranged a great demonstration for him on his arrival at Hamilton, 
and I was beseeched on all sides by people who said : — "Gardner 
must make the greatest political speech of his career. He must 
answer this man. He must, in true Gardner style, meet these new 
issues and charges of his opponent." And I went to New York and 
met the Major on his return. I told him of the situation, and I 
said: — "You, of course, have prepared your speech. I have made 
arrangements to have it published in every paper in the district, 
tomorrow, and I think it may save the day." And he smiled and 
said : — "The speech I deliver tonight at Hamilton needs no prepara- 
tion." And in the presence of thousands of his constituents at that 
mass meeting, Gardner made that speech which needed no prepara- 
tion. He did not mention his own candidacy, he did not mention his 
opponent, he did not mention the attacks which had been made upon 

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him. In fact, he did not discuss domestic questions, from beginning 
to end. But he spoke for over an hour of the war in Europe, of 
what he had seen over there, of the sacrifices which those people had 
made, and then endeavored to bring home in his strongest manner 
the necessity of America preparing itself for the day when a repeti- 
tion of those conditions might take place here in the United States. 
And after the speech he said to me : — "You don't think much of that 
speech, do you, Luf?" I said: — "Well, I never heard a political 
speech exactly like that, on the eve of an election, and I don't be- 
lieve it will make many votes." But with that one speech going out 
into that district, my friends, when the returns of the primary were 
made known on the following Tuesday, he had carried every city and 
town in the district by a combined margin of more than 7 to i. That 
was the way Gardner thought of himself when the interests of the 
people of this country were at stake. 

My last intimate relations with Major Gardner were during the 
month of March, 191 7, when I spent two weeks with him at the 
Myopia Club at Hamilton. I think they were probably two of the 
most delightful weeks of my life. We worked mornings, exercised 
afternoons, and in the evening sat before the big open fire, and dis- 
cussed happenings of the past, and possible happenings of the future. 
And it was during those two weeks that I realized, more than ever 
before, perhaps, that wonderful faculty of his, in looking ahead and 
prophesying what was going to happen. 

We knew then that war was shortly to be declared, and he told 
me during that week, of his decision to go into the service, that he 
was not going to retain his seat in Congress, but would resign and 
cut loose entirely. And the one thing that troubled him, apparently, 
was the fear that some man might be elected to succeed him who 
possibly would be swayed by the pacifist propaganda then sweep- 
ing over this land. We talked it over, from every angle. He told 
me that prohibition was coming, although at that time it had gained 
only a feeble foothold. He told me that suffrage was coming. He 
told me that we must be prepared to anticipate many of those great 
social reforms which are today a part of the structure of this Gov- 
ernment. He said: — "I shall not come back from this war, in all 
probability; but, if I do, I shall never return to Congress again." 
And he urged me to be a candidate to succeed him. And I shall 
never forget, as long as I live, his parting advice on the day he left 
Washington, to report for duty at Governor's Island, New York. 

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At the station in Washington, as he shook my hand, he said: — 
"If you are elected to represent our district in Congress, Lufkin, 
don't ever be afraid to take your stand on all public questions, even 
if it be on the cold and barren hillside of a yea and nay vote. More 
people have been killed, politically, by dodging embarrassing ques- 
tions than by standing up and facing the music, and then going back 
to their people and stating frankly the reasons for their actions." 

My friends, there has probably never been a time in the history of 
this country when our National Government and our State Govern- 
ment was so much in need of men who typified that spirit as today. 
I care not which party is in power. The time has come in the admin- 
istration of our public affairs when men elected to office must stand 
up and be counted just as Gardner stood up and was counted; the 
time has come when they must tell the people what they propose 
to do and why they propose to do it. 

Many great men fail to be appreciated until after they are dead. 
Roosevelt was a shining example of this, and so was Gardner. They 
were misunderstood. They were accused of insincerity while they 
were alive, but today their careers stand out as shining beacons to 
the young man or woman considering adopting a life career in the 
public service. In all his twenty years of public life, Augustus P. 
Gardner made mistakes, the same as every other human being. But 
he never made a mistake, intentionally. As I said on the floor of 
the House, at the time of his death: — "Regardless of Major Gard- 
ner's other shortcomings, no man ever accused him of hitting below 
the belt." 

In conclusion, Augustus P. Gardner has been missed in the Ameri- 
can Congress and in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts as prob- 
ably no other man in our time, and, to sum it all up, my friends, 
when I think of Augustus P. Gardner as I knew him, during all 
those years, I think of him in the lines of the poet : — 

"He was a man, take him all in all, 
I shall not look upon his like, again." 
[Applause.] 



(16) 



The Chairman. 

To represent the Army, tonight, The Roosevelt Club might have 
sought, first, for rank and asked Secretary Weeks or General Per- 
shing. We wanted, first, however, someone close to Major Gardner. 
We have him, in one who served in the Army, with him; attended 
him, as a physician, in his last illness ; directed the arrangements for 
the funeral; and was of the escort of the body to Arlington, as the 
representative of the 31st Division to which Major Gardner was 
attached, Col. George F. Keenan. 

COL. GEORGE F. KEENAN. 
Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen: — 

It is with full appreciation of my shortcomings as a speaker, 
and only as a military associate of him to whom you render honor 
tonight, that I offer a simple resume of my association with Major 
Gardner, from the inception of the Dixie Division to the time of his 
death. In accepting your President's request to speak at this dinner, 
I was principally actuated by the memory that Major Gardner and 
myself were the only two from New England. Our military ac- 
quaintance began back in the days of the Spanish War, he, as a Cap- 
tain, and myself as a private, though our service took us to widely 
separated fields. 

In the fall of 1916, when the entire National Guard of the country 
was mobilized on the Mexican Border, Major Gardner, then a Con- 
gressman, decided on a personal investigation of the camps, I sup- 
pose, for the obtaining of data for use in his campaign for prepared- 
ness, paying his own expenses and living with the troops in the 
field. It was my privilege to have him remain as my guest with my 
command for a period of three days, the longest stay that he made 
with any unit. His scrutiny of the smallest details in matters of 
equipment and supplies, showed the vast amount of study that he had 
given the subject. His observation covered not only the troops from 
our own state, but those of the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, Tennes- 
see, Texas and New Mexico. He left me to enter Mexico with the 
column of General Pershing with whom he spent some little time. 

On August 26, 191 7, 1 was detached as an instructor at the Medical 
Officers' School and ordered to proceed to the 31st Division at 

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Camp Wheeler, Macon, Georgia. I arrived at Macon about 7 
o'clock and proceeded to the hotel for the night. On passing 
through the lobby I saw a figure in khaki that looked strangely 
familiar and as I drew near recognized Colonel Augustus P. Gard- 
ner. Naturally I was delighted as I had not the slightest idea of the 
makeup of the new division. His greeting was characteristic of the 
man in its warmth, he recalling that we had not met since parting at 
El Paso in 1916. His invitation to dine was accepted, and we began 
the first of many subsequent dinners together. He informed me that 
the division was made up of what was left of the National Guard of 
Georgia, Florida and Alabama, after supplying units for the famous 
Rainbow Division. He dwelt at great length on the task of organ- 
ization that lay before us, and I can distinctly remember his 
words: — "Keenan, the time we have is not commensurate with the 
amount of work to be done." 

The camp, the future home of the division was some six miles out 
of Macon, and was a virgin plantation with beginning construction 
of the army buildings; there were two buildings of the shack type 
in a fair state of completion, and in one of these Gardner set up his 
office as the Division Adjutant with several inexperienced clerks as his 
office force. The other building, a mess hall, was used as a sleeping 
place by Gen. Kernan, his aide, Col. Gardner, Col. Fassett and my- 
self, the nucleus of the later forces of 50,000 men. We made our 
own beds and cooked our own food until available personnel arrived. 
The officers and men of the Guard units began to straggle in before 
quarters were ready for them, and before we knew it we had 14,000, 
more or less helpless individuals on our hands. Here was where the 
wonderful organizing gift of Gardner became evident. Without 
fuss or display, the different organizations were assigned their plots 
and started on their road of training. His extreme courtesy to all, 
and his pleasant smile and kindly greeting to the new young officers, 
just arriving, are all fresh in the minds of those whose privilege it 
was to come in contact with him. His application to work was an 
object lesson to everyone, and the little sleep he allowed himself as a 
steady routine would hardly average three hours in twenty-four. 
His insistence on system, and his ability to co-ordinate in a very short 
time brought chaos to almost perfection. The amount of work in 
the creation of the new division was stupendous, yet there never 
seemed to be a small detail that he had not worked out and provided 
the solution for. Gen. Kernan, the Division Commander, was or- 

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dered to France, November 1st, and did not again rejoin the division. 
He was succeeded by General Hayden who had to receive the first 
draft of 15,000 men under the selective service act. Col. Gardner was 
given absolute charge of the assignment and developed the most re- 
markable scheme of placing the men according to their qualifications. 
The thousands of men marched into one end of a long building, were 
interrogated by three sets of questioners and came out the other end, 
assigned to the units they were best fitted for. 

The training was at once started and here again the master mind 
of Gardner was again evident. Our men were mostly from the 
country sections, many of them loaded with hookworm, and prac- 
tically all of them susceptible to measles and chicken-pox, the out- 
break was of discouraging proportions, and in no time we had be- 
tween six and seven thousand sick, the base hospital was not ready 
and we had a merry time trying to care for them under the small 
canvas hospitals at our disposal. As you will remember the winter 
of 19 1 7 was very severe and in Georgia it was said to be the most 
severe ever known. This, together with the poor physical condition 
of many of the draftees, gave us a severe test for many weeks, as the 
pneumonia following the measles was a most severe type. Col. 
Gardner was splendid in his support of our efforts and his cheery 
encouragement certainly was a big factor in our final subjection of 
the epidemic. 

The desire for active overseas service was growing in leaps and 
bounds within the breast of Gardner, and late in November he con- 
fided to me that he was going to insist on demotion to the grade of 
Major and ask assignment with infantry troops. I was greatly dis- 
turbed and used every argument I could devise in an attempt to dis- 
suade him from the step. Rank meant nothing to him, only the 
overpowering desire to serve with line troops. I even suggested that 
his physical condition and age might not be able to stand the in- 
creased hardship of rough service, and right there I came the near- 
est to losing his friendship. He went to Washington and returned 
early in December with the grade of Major of infantry and was 
assigned to command a battalion of the 121st infantry, and I believe 
that it was the happiest moment of his military career. The same 
tireless effort, characterizing his previous work, greater, perhaps if 
such a thing were possible, was thrown into his new work, and was 
quickly evident in the battalion. His men caught his spirit and gave 
their best. 

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Shortly after the first of the new year his battalion was ordered 
out on the rifle range to have their target training. The cold was 
intense and the men suffered intensely. His efforts were to make his 
men comfortable and he spent practically his entire nights in look- 
ing after the details of their comfort at the expense of his own phy- 
sique. On the night of the 8th of January he had a severe chill as 
the result of his exposure, and on the following morning was found 
to be carrying a temperature of 104. It was with great difficulty that 
he was induced to go to the base hospital. He was attended by Prof. 
Joseph Sailer of Philadelphia, one of the leading internists of the 
country. His condition became more unfavorable, kidney complica- 
tions became apparent, and the progress of his pneumonia very rapid. 
At this time I was ordered by General Hayden to spend my entire 
time with him. I discussed with him the advisability of notifying 
Mrs. Gardner of his illness but he was firm in his desire to avoid 
alarming her. However, I believed it good judgment to advise her 
to come south and the telegram was sent. It was my privilege to 
meet Mrs. Gardner and escort her to the hospital. In fact, I was 
ordered by Gen. Hayden to devote my entire time to the carrying out 
of her wishes. Late Sunday night, January 13, Major Gardner became 
semi-conscious and it was evident that the end was not far away. 
In his delirium, his mind was still working and concentrated on his 
favorite theme of preparedness, infallible evidence of the sincerity of 
his belief. 

On January 14, in the afternoon, a sudden change for the worse 
occurred, so sudden that I had barely time to notify Mrs. Gardner, 
nearby, and a great Patriot passed to his Maker. 

Again it was my great privilege to make the final arrangements 
for the journey to Washington, and I can assure you, that it was a 
labor of love, for my attachment to Major Gardner was very deep 
indeed. 

I was detailed to accompany Mrs. Gardner home and to represent 
the Division at the final services. 

The entire battalion escorted the remains to the train, and, as the 
train pulled out, every officer of the division was lined up, uncov- 
ered, a remarkable tribute of the love and esteem in which he was 
held. The journey was made without incident, Mrs. Gardner bear- 
ing up splendidly. 

On arrival in Washington, the train was met by the various 

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delegations, and Mrs. Gardner's father, the Hon. Henry Cabot 
Lodge. 

The offer to hold the funeral from the Capitol, an honor I believe 
usually reserved for Presidents, was declined by Mrs. Gardner, in 
deference to the expressed wishes of Major Gardner. 

With full military honors of his rank, Major Gardner was laid 
at rest in the National Cemetery at Arlington. / recall now the little 
bit of sentiment which touched me at the time. Under instructions 
of the Division Commander, I was to secure a single perfect red rose, 
and this was to be the tribute of the 31st Division. I can distinctly 
remember that out of the great mass of floral tributes, the little red 
rose of the Dixie Division, alone, with the widow's wreath, rested 
upon his casket. 

It was evident on my return to the division that an unfillable void 
had been created, and it never was filled. It is a pleasure to recall 
that sturdy figure, with his outstanding attributes of modesty, kind- 
ness, loyalty, determination and his fine sense of honor. 

As disciples of Roosevelt and Gardner and as patriotic Americans 
we must see to it that the principles for which they stood are carried 
on. Preparedness, as preached by Gardner in our pre-war days, 
is as vital to this nation, today, as it was then. It has been demon- 
strated by history that the involvement of a nation in war is a com- 
paratively rapid process, occurring with certainty, despite the reason- 
ing of great minds to the contrary. As a nation we had for a mo- 
ment a vision which fired us to the supreme effort. Are we going to 
lapse back into the old habit of drifting with the current, or are we 
going to remember the thousands of young men we have left be- 
hind in France and turn our thoughts to a constructive preparedness, 
which, if it does not keep us out of wars in the future, will at least 
prevent the needless sacrifice inseparable from our chronic state of 
unpreparedness ? 

"In time of peace, prepare for war" still holds good. It is fer- 
vently hoped that this generation has seen the last of war on a big 
scale. Nevertheless we are not prepared to admit, that the millennium 
has arrived, or that an army's usefulness, terminates with a war, 
altho a study of our military history would indicate that such a view 
is very generally held. From out the welter of the past few years 
the one fact, which must have impressed itself on the mind of every 
American, is the utter folly of ignoring the basic principles of na- 

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tional preparedness and national defense, and calmly awaiting a 
declaration of war, before attempting even to assemble, train, equip 
and properly classify and distribute the enormous numbers of men 
called to the colors. Such a policy pursued long enough will cer- 
tainly result in our undoing. We cannot always hope to find some 
other nation willing to step into the breach and hold off the foe for 
years while we fumble and grope, legislate and investigate, waste 
human lives because we have no clothing or blankets, and spend bil- 
lions of dollars without visible result in a belated and frenzied rush 
to prepare. Gardner sent forth the cry : — "Awake, America, 
Awake." Perhaps our efforts would not be misdirected if we en- 
deavor to keep America awake. [Applause.] 



(22) 



The Chairman. 

No one can talk any better on all angles of the life of Major Gard- 
ner than his Congressional colleague and most intimate friend, Mr. 
Longworth. Mr. Lufkin, who served with Mr. Longworth, speaks, 
advisedly, of his creditable record. He ought to know, for they, too, 
were in Congress, together. We can not say more of Mr. Long- 
worth than that people have long since ceased to speak of him, first, 
as a son-in-law of Theodore Roosevelt. This is strong praise from 
The Roosevelt Club, for the Hon. Nicholas Longworth. 

HON. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH. 

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen. 

In accepting the invitation tendered me by your President I said 
that I was prompted to do so not only by the sense of pleasure 
attendant upon meeting so distinguished a gathering but by a sense 
of duty as well, a duty to the memory of a well-beloved friend, for 
Major Gardner and I were friends not only during the many years of 
our service together in Congress but before either of us had more 
than an at least hazy idea of entering public life. 

Curiously enough there was a rather remarkable similarity in 
many of the important events in our lives. This is my birthday as 
well as his, and should I live another year I will be celebrating the 
same anniversary. For at least a quarter of a century not a 5th 
of November passed that we did not exchange mutual felicitations 
either by word of mouth or telegram, or even cable. 

We were elected to our first public office of any importance on the 
same day, he to the Massachusetts Senate and I to the Ohio House 
of Representatives. Each served in the Legislature of his respective 
state for four years, he remaining in the Senate and I two years in 
the House and two years in the Senate. On November 5th, 1902, 
our birthday, we were both elected to Congress, and from then on 
until his death, with the exception of two years when my constituents 
demanded my presence at home, we were in intimate and almost" 
daily contact. 

Speaking of those two years that I spent at the home of my 
fathers, leads me to mention another of the similarities in our en- 
vironment. We both had fathers-in-law — and we both realized that 

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this relationship, to men of such gigantic intellects, did not always, 
politically at least, lead us towards beds of roses. In reminiscence 
of the campaign of 1912, may I suggest to any of you who may 
have ambitions to go to Congress, to see to it that, in the same cam- 
paign, your most eminent constituent is not contesting the Presi- 
dency with your father-in-law. 

Gardner and I used to discuss most fully and frankly the details, 
from every angle of conditions existing in our respective districts, 
and our methods of meeting them, and to philosophize, incidentally, 
upon the way some men were able to be re-elected, term after term, 
when their methods of dealing with political conditions were so at 
variance. As a rule, I think, our discussions ended in substantial 
agreement, but certainly not infrequently they resulted in the tacit 
understanding, that if I could not be elected county sheriff in his 
district, he could not be elected ward constable in mine. Events 
proved no doubt that he was oftener right than I, for his service 
was continuous and would no doubt have been indefinite, had he 
wished it ; while mine, as I have said, was broken for a term. 

Gardner's activities in Congress were many and various, and, 
while most of them are dwarfed by his great services to his country 
as the legislative apostle of preparedness, they would have consti- 
tuted in themselves a record of which any man might well feel 
proud. He had much to do in the framing of laws designed to pro- 
hibit the immigration of undesirable aliens, and took a prominent 
part in many other lines of important legislation, particularly in 
revenue matters after he was appointed to the Ways and Means 
Committee in 191 3. We sat together on the Committee which 
framed the revenue act of 191 7, which while it dealt with sums of 
money relatively small as compared to the Act of 1918, passed after 
his resignation from Congress, was incomparably the largest piece of 
revenue legislation ever hitherto passed by Congress. Those were 
the days in which we began to think in terms of billions instead of 
millions and it was characteristic of Gardner that the effect of taxes 
upon his own personal fortunes was the last thing that ever occurred 
to him. I remember once Claude Kitchin, the chairman of the Ways 
and Means Committee at that time, told me that it was a matter 
of surprise to him that Gardner, possessing as he did probably the 
most substantial fortune of any member of the Committee, seemed 
to be always advocating those taxes which would hurt him most. 

He was a parliamentarian of the very first rank, and no one who 

(24) 



has not served many years in Congress knows what a vast amount of 
work and burning of the midnight oil that means, or what a tremen- 
dous advantage the possession of a thorough knowledge of parlia- 
mentary law gives to a Member. I do not believe that during my 
service in the House I have ever known more than eight or ten 
men upon either side of the aisle who could be classed as first grade 
parliamentarians, and during many years of his service Gardner 
easily qualified as one of these upon our side. 

Most men might well have been satisfied with a legislative career 
which would equal Gardner's up to this point, but it was by his ac- 
tivities in the cause of preparedness that he won his golden spurs 
and a fame that will never die. Even before the war clouds began 
to hover over Europe he began his campaign for preparedness, with- 
out reserve and without equivocation, but his voice, loud though it 
was, before and even after war began to rage in Europe, was as a 
voice crying in the wilderness, insofar as its effect upon those in the 
seats of power was concerned. His warnings were received with a 
disregard not only open but often bordering on the contemptuous by 
those clothed with responsibility. I well remember the delivery of 
President Wilson's second annual message to the joint session of 
Congress, on December 8th, 1914. I was not a member of that Con- 
gress but had just been re-elected and happened to be in Washington. 
I sat next to Gardner, well in the front of the hall and immediately 
opposite the President. During the course of his speech, he had used 
such phrases as these : — 

"The other topic I shall take leave to mention goes 
deeper into the principles of our national life and 
policy. It is the subject of national defense. 

"It cannot be discussed without first answering some 
very searching questions. It is said in some quarters 
that we are not prepared for war. What is meant by 
being prepared? Is it meant that we are not ready 
upon brief notice to put a nation in the field, a nation 
of men training to arms? Of course we are not ready 
to do that ; and we shall never be in time of peace so 
long as we retain our present political principles and 
institutions. 

"We are at peace with all the world. No one who 
speaks counsel based on fact or drawn from a just and 

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candid interpretation of realities can say that there is 
reason to fear that from any quarter our independence 
or the integrity of our territory is threatened. Dread of 
the power of any other nation we are incapable of." 

May I pause at this moment to contrast this last paragraph with 
what the President said at Milwaukee just about a year later : — 

"Everywhere the atmosphere of the world is thrilling 
with the passion of a disturbance such as the world has 
never seen before, and it is wise, in the words just 
uttered by your chairman, that we should see that our 
own house is set in order and that everything is done 
to make certain that we shall not suffer by the general 
conflagration." 

And at St. Louis a few days later, when he said : — 

"The danger is not from within, gentlemen; it is 
from without, and I am bound to tell you that that 
danger is constant and immediate, not because any- 
thing new has happened, not because there has been 
any change in our international relationships within 
recent weeks or months, but because the danger comes 
with every turn of events." 

But the really dramatic period of the President's message was 
reached when he said : — 

"But I turn away from the subject. It is not new. 
There is no new need to discuss it. We shall not alter 
our attitude toward it because some amongst us are 
nervous and excited." 

As the President pronounced these words he put down his manu- 
script, paused, and looked straight at Gardner, who was as I said) 
sitting only a few feet from him, a rather contemptuous smile hover- 
ing about his mouth. I remember that Gardner straightened suddenly 
up in his seat, and for a moment I thought he intended to reply to 
the President, but he wisely refrained from doing so. 

Far from being discouraged by such events as these, Gardner pro- 
ceeded in his campaign with ever renewed vigor, and brought to his 
task a knowledge of military technique so complete, an energy so 
vast and a purpose to force home the truth so indomitable as to have 

(26) 



been surpassed by one man and one man only in all America, and 
that was the man whose name your Club bears. History will recall 
that Roosevelt and Gardner were the two Americans of all others 
who did most to warn their country of the inevitable result of a 
continued policy of pacifism in the face of the greatest holocaust 
the world has ever known. 

I am not here to criticize or philosophize or to speculate upon 
what might have happened if some things had been done and others 
left undone, but I am frankly of the opinion that had our Govern- 
ment followed the policy stressed by Roosevelt and Gardner and 
their aiders and abettors, had it taken a firm stand in our dealings 
with Mexico, had it made it clear to the world that we would insist, 
and prepared ourselves to be thoroughly capable of insistence upon 
the preservation of all our rights, that there might have been no 
war, and if there had been Germany would have never dared to 
perpetrate the atrocities she did and the war might have involved 
much less and have been sooner over. Had Theodore Roosevelt or 
Warren Harding been President there would have been no sinking 
of the Lusitania. Certain it is that even if a war of the late war's 
proportions would not have been avoided, had this country made 
thorough preparation a reasonable time in advance, our loss in blood 
and treasure would have been infinitely less. Mourning would have 
come to far fewer homes and we would not now be staggering under 
the tremendous tax burdens which hinder industry, cause unemploy- 
ment, and annoy and harass every man and woman in America. 

I have never known whether Gardner became discouraged at the 
failure of his preachments to be translated into action, but the fact 
is that some months before we entered the war, which he regarded 
as inevitable, he became convinced that his sphere of usefulness lay 
in active military service. He reached this conclusion against the 
advice of I think practically all of his friends, and I was one of 
them, who believed that he ought to stay in Congress, not only be- 
cause of his unique knowledge of military and naval subjects and 
of the service he had rendered and would be even in larger degree 
able to render in preparing the country for war, but also of his 
physical condition, for we knew that while outwardly he appeared 
to be an active and vigorous man, that his heart was not what it 
ought to be. I know, for instance, that he had had to give up tennis 
and squash which we used to play together a great deal and that it 
even bothered him to walk about the golf links, but his fighting spirit 

(27) 



was such that he would not listen to our advice, and in December 
of 1917 he successfully passed the examinations as a reserve officer of 
the Spanish War, which made him eligible for and subject to active 
duty at any time. 

Only a few weeks after we declared war he received his summons, 
resigned his seat in Congress, and joined the colors with the rank 
of colonel. In this new field of activity Gardner again proved his 
strength and uniqueness of character. He is the only military officer 
of the United States so far as I know who ever asked for a demo- 
tion rather than a promotion. At his own request, he was demoted 
from the rank of colonel to that of major. His ambition was not 
for rank ; it was for active service. He wanted to go to France and 
thought that his chance for service there was better as a major in 
the field rather than as a colonel on staff duty. It was death alone 
that foiled his ambition and it was a death to my mind to the full 
as glorious as if it had come upon the battlefields of France under 
the guns of the enemy. 

I have never known a pall so gloomy as hovered over Congress 
at the news of Gardner's death. Men were sad who barely knew 
him. To those who had the privilege of his friendship it assumed 
the proportions of a grave individual loss. To myself it was com- 
parable only to the death of a member of my immediate family. 
Had it not been for the expressed wish of his own family his 
memory would have been accorded the unique distinction of having 
the funeral ceremony solemnized in the Capitol of his country. As 
it was Congress accorded him the unprecedented honor of adjourn- 
ing although he was not a sitting member out of respect to his 
memory. We missed him greatly then. We miss him still. We 
miss his kindly and genial personality, his robust devotion to duty, 
his fiery and intense patriotism. But our grief in our loss is some- 
what assuaged by our sure knowledge that when the history of the 
last decade is written, when the services of public men to the Ameri- 
can nation in time of its greatest need, is fully weighed and ap- 
praised, high upon the honor roll will appear the name of Augustus 
Peabody Gardner, soldier, patriot and gallant gentleman. [Ap- 
plause.] 

[Mr. Longworth, because of his necessary return to Washington, 
and the late hour, retires from the Hall, kissing the hand of Mrs. 
Minot.] 

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The Chairman. 

The Roosevelt Club has built this Dinner up to that climax which 
reserves the best to the end, which marks the perfect performance. 
It is under a deep obligation to the young daughter, on my right, in 
the seat of honor, for her appearance, here, tonight, to talk for the 
family. She has the blood of politics in her veins, for more than 
one generation. 

I have the honor of introducing, Mrs. Constance Gardner Minot. 
[Applause — all standing.] 

MRS. CONSTANCE GARDNER MINOT. 
Mr. Chairman, Members of The Roosevelt Club, and Fellow Guests: 

I am very much gratified and greatly honored at having been 
asked to speak here this evening. I am a comparative newcomer in 
politics, that is to say, I have only been sailing a little while under 
my own flag, though I have been an interested observer for a good 
many years. Like most novices, I am deeply pleased to be allowed 
to sit among the elect. 

This particular organization must appeal to every ardent Repub- 
lican as a virile, progressive, intelligent body. It would necessarily 
stand for those qualities in order to live up to the memory of the 
great man whose name it bears. Indeed, no association can ever 
fail, which succeeds in carrying on, as does this one, the principles 
of Americanism as typified by Theodore Roosevelt. 

Now, ladies and gentlemen, I realize that I have been invited here 
to speak because I am the daughter of a man whom you all loved 
and admired. This dinner is a tribute to his memory and you are 
gathered here to honor him. It has been suggested to me that I give 
you some intimate sidelights on my father as I knew him, with per- 
haps a few personal anecdotes added. I want to say that there is 
no new aspect of his personality which can be presented here because 
he gave, while he lived, wholeheartedly and generously of himself 
to his friends. Everyone had a share in the real Augustus Peabody 
Gardner. 

My father and I were very intimate companions. I believe I 
understood him, and in this belief, I am going to talk to you this 
evening about one of the subjects which most influenced his destiny. 
I cannot tell you anecdotes or stories for I feel that this is a time 

(29) 



and an occasion for something more. We are faced, all of us, with 
the greatest problem this generation can ever know. I am neither very 
wise nor very experienced, but it is my problem as well as yours. 
As my father's daughter I feel that the hope of civilization lies in 
an intelligent facing of facts in regard to this tremendously vital 
subject — the subject of preparedness. If we prefer, we may ap- 
proach it from the negative end and call it — disarmament. In any 
event, we all have a personal responsibility in regard to this ques- 
tion, and we cannot hope for a working solution if we ignore the 
practical side any more than if we ignore the idealistic side. 

There is a tendency among certain people to look at this matter 
from a sentimental point of view. Hundreds of letters have been 
received by our delegates to the disarmament conference, urging that 
the United States lay down her arms as an example to the world. 
Even the most casual student of history cannot fail to perceive the 
folly of such a suggestion. The individual, man or woman, who puts 
forth an idea of that kind is not facing facts. We are not dealing 
with philanthropists but with nations, and all nations are, necessa- 
rily, fairly materialistic and fairly self-seeking. It is a part of na- 
tional pride and national survival. In fact, their life depends on it. It 
is criminal to continue the monstrous waste of public money on com- 
petitive armament, but it is more criminal to imperil the integrity of 
our national life by placing ourselves in a defenseless position where 
we cannot hope to wield any authority or to preserve our national 
honor. We need all our patience, all our idealism, all our splendid 
traditions to carry us through this trying period with decency and 
success. 

One of the great factors in maintaining our high stand, must, and 
will be, the women of the United States. Women undoubtedly 
bring a fresh inspiration and a new element of clean, unprejudiced 
thinking into the politics of our country. Their help in the solution 
of national problems will, I believe, prove invaluable, but we women 
cannot afford to ignore the lessons of history or to eliminate from 
our minds the principles of political economy. If we are to use the 
privilege of suffrage successfully, we must not overlook the practical 
side of national and international relationships. 

We are confronted today, not with a new phase, but with a condi- 
tion as old as the race. Human nature, in the year 1921, when 
stripped of the trappings of modern civilization, shows the same 
inhibitions, the same reactions in a crisis as it has through the cen- 

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turies. There are no new truths. There are only everchanging 
attitudes towards old truths. If we recognize this fact, it is only 
too apparent that the millennium cannot be at hand. We can do 
much to readjust expenditure on armament. We can come to a 
better international understanding; but in order to further any con- 
structive policy we must not disregard logic, common sense, or any 
other lessons of the historical parallel. Intelligent, well-balanced 
preparedness is the best guarantee against war. An extravagant 
armament program is disastrous from both an ethical and a practical 
point of view, but the surest way to encourage the passion of war 
in other nations is to lay ourselves open to invasion by totally crip- 
pling our defenses. No amount of argument can then save us from 
national ruin. 

Long after we have passed on, struggling humanity will still be 
bringing its best efforts to the solving of problems such as these, 
but we can greatly lighten the burden of posterity by playing our 
part, here and now, with intelligence and courage, not turning our 
backs on the truth, and yet throughout, never letting hard facts 
rob us of the dream. 
[Applause. All standing.] 

[The end of the speaking.] 

[ over ] 



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LETTERS. 

Read by the Chairman between the Speeches 

1817 H. STREET, 
WASHINGTON, D. C. 

November 2, 1921. 
Dear Mr. Washburn: 

I am truly sorry that I cannot go to the "Gardner dinner" on 
November 5th, but it is impossible for me to leave Washington at 
this time. 

That The Roosevelt Club should thus honour my husband's mem- 
ory gives me a great deal of pleasure. 

What pleases me, even more, is the feeling that those who are 
gathered together on Major Gardner's fifty-sixth birthday anniver- 
sary, are present because they not only admired him, but truly loved 
him. I am grateful to you all for this expression of your feeling, 
and evidence of your remembrance. 
Believe me, 

Sincerely yours, 

Constance Gardner. 



THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS 
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT 

state house, boston 

October 26, 192 1. 
Hon. Robert M. Washburn, 
President, The Roosevelt Club, 

89 State Street, Boston, Massachusetts. 
My dear Mr. Washburn: 

It is with the greatest regret that I find a previous engagement 
will prevent me from attending the dinner of the Roosevelt Club 
on November 5th, the Fifty-sixth Anniversary of the birth of the 
late Hon. Augustus Peabody Gardner, and which you will celebrate 
as "Gardner Night." 

Mr. Gardner as a member of Congress was a faithful servant of 
Massachusetts. Mr. Gardner as an apostle of preparedness, who 
backed his words with his enlistment in active service, stands forth 

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as one of the men who aroused America to save her own honor. 
The deeds of this devoted and useful son of Massachusetts ought to 
be recalled. They are an inspiration and a challenge to better citizen- 
ship. 

Very truly yours, 

Channing H. Cox. 



THE VICE-PRESIDENT'S CHAMBER, 

WASHINGTON. 

October 22, 1921. 
Hon. Robert M. Washburn, 

President of the Roosevelt Club, 
Boston, Mass. 
My dear Senator Washburn: 

It is exceedingly appropriate that the birthday of Major Augustus 
P. Gardner should be observed, and I very much wish that I could be 
present to take an active part in your exercises. 

I have always been very proud of the fact that Major Gardner was 
my friend. He was a public servant of courage, diligence and 
capacity, who said what he would do and would do what he said. 
He did not regard life as something about which to theorize, but 
as a call to action. He never asked his associates to go where he 
did not lead. The public life of man and the nation was enriched 
by his example and glorified by his sacrifice. There is no honor 
too high, no tribute too great to be paid to his memory. 

Very truly yours, 

Calvin Coolidge. 



HARVARD COLLEGE, CLASS OF 1886, 
Thomas Tileston Baldwin, Class Secretary. 

201 Devonshire Street, Boston, Mass., 

October 25, 1921. 
Hon. Robert M. Washburn, 

President of The Roosevelt Club, 
Boston. 
My dear Mr. Washburn: 

I beg to thank you for the very kind invitation to the dinner of 
The Roosevelt Club on November fifth in honor of the fifty-sixth 

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birthday of my class-mate, Augustus Peabody Gardner. I regret 
that as I shall be out of town at that time, it is impossible for me to 
accept. 

At Harvard, Gardner's class mates recognized his great ability, his 
independence, and his strong character; they elected him Secretary 
of his class for the four years in college, and, in 1896, made him a 
member of the Class Committee. 

His political career interested them, and they were gratified when 
political honors came to him. Whether they agreed or disagreed 
with him on political questions, they admired his political courage 
and honesty. Nor have they forgotten his great service to the 
country in the cause of preparedness. More than all, they admired 
the patriotism which called him into military service in the Spanish 
War and in the Great War. The fine lesson in patriotism which he 
gave, in resigning his seat in Congress, and in entering, for a second 
time, into active military life, was, perhaps, his greatest public ser- 
vice. 

Faithfully yours, 

Thomas Tileston Baldwin. 



THE SPEAKER'S ROOMS 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

WASHINGTON, D. C. 

October 26, 1921. 
Mr. R. M. Washburn, 

President, The Roosevelt Club, 
89 State Street, Boston, Mass. 
Dear Washburn: 

Thank you for your kind invitation to the dinner on Gardner's 
birthday, and I wish very much I could be with you, but my duties 
here make it impossible. 

He was one of my most intimate friends, so I know well his in- 
tellectual power and brilliancy, his dauntless courage, his untiring 
industry and unrivalled ingenuity, — a combination of unusual quali- 
ties which was sure to make him prominent anywhere and secured 
for him great influence and usefulness here. 

I regret exceedingly that I cannot express at your dinner my 

affectionate regard. 

Sincerely, 

Frederick H. Gillett. 
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WAR DEPARTMENT, 
Washington. 

October, 24, 192 1. 
Honorable R. M. Washburn, 
President, The Roosevelt Club, 
89 State Street, Boston, Mass. 
Dear Mr. Washburn: 

I am sorry I shall not be able to accept your invitation to the 
dinner party to be given in honor of the 56th birthday of Augustus 
P. Gardner on November fifth. My engagements and duties here 
are such that it is impossible for me to accept any invitations which 
will take me away from Washington for other than military pur- 
poses. If I could do so, I should certainly come to your dinner. 

You may be interested in what I said about Major Gardner in 
a very impromptu manner when Congress was informed of his death : 

" I am very glad that this gives me an opportunity 
to make one or two comments which I think may not 
be out of place at this time. Mr. Gardner was a man 
of strong views. It was not necessary to agree with 
his conclusions in order to recognize his courage and 
independence of expression. That has been typical of 
his career during the 16 years he served in the House 
of Representatives. His early training led him to have 
positive views on the question of his country's prepar- 
edness. More than 20 years ago he was a member of 
the Massachusetts State Senate and chairman of the 
military committee of that body. Later he served 
with credit in the Spanish-American War. He served 
in the Massachusetts militia, and his natural aptitude 
and taste for military subjects were instrumental in 
bringing him to the conclusion that this Government 
was totally unprepared and it would be criminally 
negligent to allow such a condition to continue. Hav- 
ing these views and the enthusiasm of the evangelist 
of the Billy Sunday type, he did not hesitate to strike 
and strike hard in favor of the views he entertained. 
It may be justly said of him that he had quite as much 
to do as any other man in centering attention on our 
military condition and military necessities. However, 
he not only preached but he acted, and when we de- 
clared war, although he had passed the meridian of 
life, he did not hesitate to go into service in a branch 
of the Army suitable for one of his years and physical 
condition. But even this did not satisfy his sense of 

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obligation and duty, for he voluntarily — and this is one 
of the few instances in my knowledge of such action 
being taken — asked that he be demoted from the rank 
of colonel to that of major so that he might serve 
directly with troops. By doing so he has set an exam- 
ple to the youth of this country, especially to a large 
number of young men with whom we are more or less 
familiar who have endeavored to get into branches of 
the service not of the fighting forces. In serving his 
country he has met his death with as much courage 
and devotion as if he had lost his life in the trenches 
in France." 

Sincerely yours, 

John W. Weeks. 



HEADQUARTERS FIRST CORPS AREA 
OFFICE OF THE COMMANDING GENERAL 

Boston 9, Mass., October 21, 1921. 
Honorable R. M. Washburn, 

President, The Roosevelt Club, Boston, Mass. 
My Dear Mr. Washburn: 

I have your letter of October 19th. I have already written ex- 
pressing my regrets to Colonel Blanchard, but I cannot break an 
engagement of long standing to attend this 56th birthday of Augustus 
P. Gardner. I thank you much as President for your invitation. 
Colonel Gardner was my personal friend of many years' standing. 

I recall my discouragement in the years between 1901 and 1912, 
when I encountered so many deaf-ears in Congress to the positive 
menace of our unpreparedness. At first I found Colonel Gardner 
incredulous in that he thought my statement as to the country's un- 
preparedness was exaggerated. 

He finally said to me one day : "Why are you so insistent to con- 
vince me ?" "Because," I said, "I find one out of a thousand of men 
who dares take up the torch and lead the way and be proof against 
this enveloping pacifism that promises the ruination of the country, 
and who has the ability and courage and self-sacrificing devotion 
to this good old country of ours to be proof against ridicule, criti- 
cism and even defamation, which is bound to occur before the peo- 
ple will be enlightened," and, I said, "I believe you are that man." 

Immediately he commenced to look into the facts that I presented. 
As a matter of history, now, he was the one out of a thousand who 

(36) 



dared and succeeded as soon as he became convinced as to the truth. 

After I was relieved and sent to Texas and afterwards at Hawaii 
he constantly wrote me and evinced the keenest interest, really made 
it his life's work to arouse the people. His unique method in in- 
viting, at his own expense, all the Reserves of our Regular Army, 
a total of sixteen, to dine with him, having the stage all set for full 
publicity; and he interviewed the press after he had succeeded in 
presenting his views personally to the President, which could have 
been done by no one else, only Gus Gardner. 

Most of this time he was a doomed man, and I believe had been 
advised by his doctor of the necessity of taking care of his health 
and saving himself in every way. As is well known he sought a 
commission in the Reserves, and then when War broke, I joined his 
other friends who had knowledge of his vital importance in the 
House, urging him not to volunteer. He could not be persuaded as 
to what was his plain duty, and ignored his physical disability. I 
officially applied for him as Adjutant of the 26th Division. He was 
keen to get over there among the first. The application was dis- 
approved and he wrote me a sincere letter of regret. 

He did not make friends readily, but when he gave a man his 
friendship I think he was one of the truest, most devoted, loyal 
friend and man I have ever met in all my experience. 

He died the same kind of a death that a man dies walking up 
against a bunch of machine-gun nests, for the cause and for the 
truth. A splendid man. 

I merely dictate this hurriedly to show you how honored I would 
be to pay my tribute before your distinguished dinner guests. 

Sincerely yours, 

C. R. Edwards. 



UNITED STATES SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

October 22, 1921. 
Robert M. Washburn, 

President, The Roosevelt Club, Boston, Mass. 
My dear Mr. Washburn: 

I have your letter of October 19th and your kind invitation to be 
present at the dinner on November 5th in commemoration of the 
fifty-sixth birthday of Augustus P. Gardner. That date comes just 

(37) 



on the eve of the International Conference for the Limitation of 
Armament, of which I am a member, and that fact, together with 
the very many pressing and important measures now before Con- 
gress, makes it impossible for me to leave Washington. To me, this 
is a very deep disappointment because for every reason I should 
wish to be with The Roosevelt Club on such an occasion as your com- 
memoration of Major Gardner's birthday. 

Major Gardner was a man not only of eminently great ability 
but of very noble character. He had reached a position of the high- 
est distinction in the House of Representatives and was one of the 
leaders of that great body. He laid down his commission as a Mem- 
ber of Congress and entered the Army, being at the time a colonel 
in the Reserve Corps. He was given the high rank of Adjutant 
General of a Division, one of the most important of military posi- 
tions, but he was not satisfied to serve in any capacity except in the 
line. His one desire was to lead his men in battle. He therefore 
gave up the rank of colonel and took the rank of major and the 
command of a battalion. With his Division he went to the Camp at 
Macon, Georgia, and devoted himself with his usual untiring indus- 
try and unflagging zeal to the work of drilling and organizing his 
men. While thus engaged, he was seized with malignant pneumonia 
and in a few days was dead. 

It seems to me that his was a very splendid career of service to 
the country, both in peace and war, crowned at the end by the sacri- 
fice of his life. He was one of the men whom the country honored, 
and Massachusetts cannot but feel an especial pride in his life of 
patriotic service which had such an untimely end. 

Please present my greetings to the Club and express to them the 
deep satisfaction which it is to me that they should so honor one 
who was to me one of my nearest and dearest for many years. 

Sincerely yours, 

H. C. Lodge. 

The end of the Dinner. 



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SEAL— BUTTON — PIN 
RED— WHITE — BLUE 



The Roosevelt Club 



(Incorporated) 

Boston 




OUR TRADE-MARK 



"Our purpose is to perpetuate the ideals, virile Americanism 
and Republicanism of Theodore Roosevelt." 



The first Roosevelt Club in the country founded after the death 
of Theodore Roosevelt. 



The first Club in Massachusetts of this kind to include women 
as members and officers. 



Founded January 1919 — Incorporated August 1919 
Membership over 1000. 



THE ROOSEVELT CLUB 



(1 ncorporat ed) 

BOSTON 

1922 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT, Hon. Pres. 
CHARLES SUMNER BIRD, Hon. V-P. 
HENRY CABOT LODGE, Hon. V-P. 

DIRECTORS AND OFFICERS 



R. M. Washburn, President Boston 

Ex -Representative — Ex -Senator — 
Roosevelt Big Four 1916 

Joseph Walker Vice Pres. Brookline 

Ex-Speaker 

Roger Wolcott Secry Milton 

Ex- Representative 
John E. Thayer Jr., Treas. Lancaster 

Trustee 
Samuel Spring, Counsel Brookline 

Former Special Ass't Att'y Gen. 
Harcourt Amory, Jr. Boston 

Gaspar G. Bacon Boston 

V. P. New England Oil Corporation 
Mrs. George M. Baker Concord 

Pres. State Federat'n of Women's Clubs 
Mrs. Frank Roe Batchelder Worcester 

Secry. Women'sRepublican State Committee 
Ralph S. Bauer Lynn 

Ex- Pres. State Board of Trade 

Mrs. Lili O. Burbank Boston 

Progressive, 1912 
Cleaveland A. Chandler Brookline 

Ex-Progress. Representative 
Louis A. Coolidge Milton 

Pres. Middlesex Club 
Grafton D. Cushing Boston 

Ex-Speaker — Ex-Lieut. Gov. 
George P. Drury Waltham 

Ex- Representative — 

Ex-Republican State Committee 
Robert W. Emmons, 3rd. Boston 

Ex-Captain, Harvard Varsity Nine 



Andrew Fisher 



Boston 



Miss Dorothy Forbes Milton 

Exec. Comm. Boston Metropolitan Chapter 

American Red Cross 
John W. Haigis Turners Falls 

Ex -Representative — Ex -Senator 
Frank Hartley Belmont 

Presidential Elector 1908 
John B. Hull Great Barrington 

Ex- Representative — Ex -Senator 
Atherton N. Hunt Braintrec 

Counsellor-at-Law 
Mrs. George W. Knowlton, Jr. West Upton 

Chairman, Finance, Women's Republican 

State Committee 

Augustus P. Loring, Jr. Beverly 

Ex-Pres. Essex Club 

George v. L. Meyer Hamilton 

Republican State Committee — 
Under & Meyer 

Pierce O'Connell Boston 

Mrs. George W. Perkins Boston 

Mgr. Mass. League of Women Voters 

Mrs James D. Tillinghast Cambridge 

Chairman, Women's Republican State 
Committee 

Joseph E. Warner Taunton 

Ex-Speaker 

Addison L. Winship Melrose 

V. P. Nat'l Shawmut Bank 
Oliver Wolcott Milton 



Harold P. Delaney, Lynn 
Executive Secretary 



Press of 
T. R. Marvin & Sun 
Boston 



Edited by 

R. M. Washmurn 

89 State St. 

1 Boston 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



013 785 426 



IN HONOR OF 



AUGUSTUS PEABODY GARDNER 



THE ROOSEVELT CLUB 

(1 ncorporated ) 

BOSTON 



